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La SГlection

The nation was braced for chaos. Liberal groups had vowed to take to the streets, planning hundreds of protests across the country. Right-wing militias were girding for battle. In a poll before Election Day, 75% of Americans voiced concern about violence.

La SГ©lection

In the end, nearly half the electorate cast ballots by mail in 2020, practically a revolution in how people vote. About a quarter voted early in person. Only a quarter of voters cast their ballots the traditional way: in person on Election Day.

Election boards were one pressure point; another was GOP-controlled legislatures, who Trump believed could declare the election void and appoint their own electors. And so the President invited the GOP leaders of the Michigan legislature, House Speaker Lee Chatfield and Senate majority leader Mike Shirkey, to Washington on Nov. 20.

The U.S. Election Assistance Commission (EAC) was established by the Help America Vote Act of 2002 (HAVA). The EAC is an independent, bipartisan commission charged with developing guidance to meet HAVA requirements, adopting voluntary voting system guidelines, and serving as a national clearinghouse of information on election administration. The EAC also accredits testing laboratories and certifies voting systems, as well as audits the use of HAVA funds.

You are now leaving the Election Assistance Commission website. Links from these pages/this page to non-Election Assistance Commission sites do not represent any implicit or explicit endorsement by the Election Assistance Commission of any commercial or private issues or products presented here.

The expected vote is the total number of votes that are expected in a given race once all votes are counted. This number is an estimate and is based on several different factors, including information on the number of votes cast early as well as information provided to our vote reporters on Election Day from county election officials. The figure can change as NBC News gathers new information.

Important Note: The law requires the State Board of Elections and each local board of elections to refer to absentee ballots as mail-in ballots and absentee voting as mail-in voting. Please note that this change in terminology does NOT change the process of mail-in voting.

If you moved to a different county within Maryland at least 3 weeks before the election, and did not update your registration, go to an early voting center in your new county or the election day polling place closet to you. At the early voting center or election day polling place, you will vote a provisional ballot, but as long as you complete and sign the provisional ballot application, all of your votes will count.

If you moved to a different county within Maryland less than 3 weeks before the election, you may vote at an early voting center in the county where you used to live or on election day at your previously assigned polling place, or vote a provisional ballot at an early voting center in your new county or election day polling place closet to your new residence.

If you moved within the same county in Maryland at least 3 weeks before the election, and did not update your registration, you may vote at any early voting center in the county where you live and vote a regular ballot. You will be able to update your address during early voting. On election day, you can vote at the polling place closest to you. You will vote a provisional ballot, but as long as you complete and sign the provisional ballot application, all of your votes will count.

If you recently moved within the same county in Maryland less than 3 weeks before the election, you may vote at any early voting center in the county where you live and vote a regular ballot. You will be able to update your address during early voting. On election day, you may vote at the election day polling place previously assigned to you, or vote a provisional ballot at the election day polling place closest to your new residence.

Passages of the Bible have been recited melodically in mass since the beginnings of the Christian liturgy, in a practice that probably grew out of Jewish traditions of reciting the Torah. Musically simple and formulaic, recited texts were rarely supplied with full musical notation. Indeed, most medieval manuscripts of Bible readings for mass, known as lectionaries, contain no music whatsoever.

However, from roughly the 11th century onwards, occasional marks were inserted above specific words in some lectionaries to help clarify the melodic recitation pattern for the reader. These small signs not only allow us to reconstruct the recitation, but also give an indication of how such books were used and the priorities of those who used them.

One relatively early example of a book that contained this form of melodic notation is a Gospel lectionary pictured above, copied in the early decades of the 12th century, for the Church of the Holy Cross (Kreuzkirche) in Hildesheim, Germany (Hildesheim, Dombibliothek, MS 688e). At some point in the mid-19th century, a leaf was removed (pictured below), presumably for its miniature of the crucifixion scene, from between the Gospel readings for Passion Sunday and Palm Sunday. A stub of parchment is just visible where the leaf was excised. The fragment, missing the first five lines of text, was eventually acquired by John and Trudy Hunt, founders of the Hunt Museum in Limerick, Ireland, where it now resides (Ms L 006). The Passion Sunday Gospel reading is sung according to the Hunt Museum fragment in the video above.

This system of melodic lection marks facilitated the public reading of the Bible at mass in churches, both in monastic contexts and also in secular cathedrals where a lay congregation would have been present, such as English churches following the liturgy of Salisbury Cathedral (see the Sarum Gospel lectionary above with its red melodic marks).

Without giving precise pitches, the notation marked where and how the voice should follow the melodic cadence for different types of phrase, indicating the direction of the movement by the shape of the sign. Even if not a necessity (for they were not found in every lectionary), these marks were clearly deemed to be sufficiently useful to warrant being copied. The reading of mass lections required preparation and practice - melodic lection marks removed a layer of ambiguity and assisted readers in this process of preparation.

Finally, these melodic marks give us an idea of how much guidance the medieval reader needed. Their presence tells us that it was not straightforward to sight-read aloud, and that additional assistance was welcome. Their absence is equally revealing. In the early 12th-century Hildesheim Gospel lectionary above, only the first note of cadences was marked; presumably the reader would have been able to deduce how to conclude the phrase without further guidance. Over time the system became more sophisticated, with increasing numbers of signs inserted to specify where cadential movement should occur, as exemplified in a later 12th-century French lectionary pictured below, and even more so in the above Sarum Gospel lectionary from c. 1508. Readers seem to have become increasingly reliant on the notation, perhaps indicating a situation in which readings were sight-read with little or no practice beforehand.

A: For many years, AP was part of the group of media organizations that conducts exit polls. AP left the group after the 2016 election, in part because we no longer believe interviewing voters at polling places on Election Day is the best methodology to survey an electorate.

AP may also decide not to call a race if the margin between the top two candidates is less than 0.5 percentage points. On election night, AP may not call winners in races for state legislature if the margin is less than 2 percentage points or 100 votes.

If an election has significant news value, such as one that would determine party control of a state legislature, AP will closely review the race to determine whether an exception to these guidelines can be made.

For example, this happened in the 2020 presidential election. AP declared Joe Biden the winner in Wisconsin even though he led by less than 1 percentage point, a margin that under state law allowed President Donald Trump to request a statewide recount.

Fortunately, Kenya may be well positioned to dodge this bullet. Crisis Group research over the past three years in various parts of the country has found little appetite for intercommunal violence. Society does not seem to be as on edge as it was in the months before the 2007 and 2013 elections.[fn]Crisis Group interviews, residents of various parts of the country as well as community leaders, 2019-2021.Hide Footnote

Broward County's Election Day Polling Places will be unable to accept Vote-by-Mail Ballots. If you need to drop off a Vote-by-Mail Ballot, you can do so at our Main office in the Government Center or at the Voter Equipment Center (VEC) in Lauderhill.

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Donate Election Reform Legislation: Comparison of House and Senate Versions of H.R. 3295 May 15, 2002 RL31417

In the wake of the November 2000 presidential election, Congress, the states, and variouscommissions have examined election procedures, the reliability and costs of different votingtechnologies, whether national standards are necessary, and the federal role in the election process.More than 80 bills addressing various aspects of federal election reform have been introduced in the107th Congress. One bill, H.R. 3295 , has passed the House and Senate in differentforms and is awaiting conference. The Help America Vote Act (Ney-Hoyer), passed the House onDecember 12, 2001. The Martin Luther King, Jr. Equal Protection of Voting Rights Act of 2002(Dodd-McConnell), passed the Senate on April 11, 2002.Both bills establish a new federal commission to replace the Office of Election Administration(OEA) of the Federal Election Commission and also to perform new functions as described in thebills. The House version also establishes two boards, with broad-based membership, under the newcommission to address aspects of voting system standards. The Senate version establishes atemporary committee to study Internet voting and related topics.Both bills provide grants to state and local governments for replacing and improvingregistration and voting systems and for improvements in election administration. Ney-Hoyerprovides $2.25 billion total through FY2004 in formula matching grants to replace or improvepunchcard voting systems and for state election funds for general voting improvements.Dodd-McConnell provides $3.5 billion total through FY2006 in categorical grants to help states andlocalities meet the requirements described in the bill, to improve election systems, and to makepolling places accessible, with the last two programs requiring matching funds.Both bills establish federal standards or requirements, but differ in what those standards addressand how they are applied. They both require that provisional ballots be made available and thatstates using voter registration have statewide systems that are accurately maintained.Dodd-McConnell includes requirements for voter identification. With respect to voting systems andtechnology, both address error correction by voters, accessibility for disabled persons, andauditability. Dodd-McConnell also addresses machine error rate and alternative languages.Ney-Hoyer provides a statutory basis for the voluntary federal voting system standards and forcertification of voting systems. It addresses performance benchmarks for state voting systems. Italso requires states to develop standards for what constitutes a vote and to implement safeguards forvoting by uniformed and overseas voters. Dodd-McConnell requires the federal government topromulgate implementation guidelines for its registration, provisional ballot, and voting systemrequirements Ney-Hoyer leaves the specific methods of implementing its standards to the discretionof the states. Both bills would create programs to recruit students to work at the polls on electionday and would make several changes in current law relating to military and overseas voters. 041b061a72


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